“Utopianism Parodied in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four: An Intertextual Reading of the ‘Goldstein Treatise’”
By: Marion Dalvai
Summarized by: Cynthia Lin
In “Utopianism Parodied in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four: An Intertextual Reading of the ‘Goldstein Treatise’”, Marion Dalvai highlights the importance of the content in The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism, a fictional book authored by Emmanuel Goldstein within George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four. Additionally, she compares the structure of Goldstein’s book to other influential European philosophical works and stresses how Orwell presents the treatise as “the ultimate example of [his] distinctive fusion of realism and satire” (Dalvai 388).
Before modernity in the early nineteenth century, utopias, written “visions of good…social systems”, were hopeful dreams of one day achieving a better life for mankind in a perfect society (Dalvai 388). However, with the advent of modernity and the Enlightenment project, a reason to execute utopianism evolved: rationalization, the replacement of societal traditions, values, and emotions with rational ones. Rationalization stimulated socialist thought but provoked an anti-socialist reaction and the emergence of dystopian literature in the mid-1840s. A turning point in dystopian literature, Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four was published after the violence of World War II while earlier versions of dystopian literature only anticipated totalitarianism as the “ultimate and horribly consistent realization of all…premises of the modern project” (389). While writing Nineteen Eighty-Four, Orwell observed from the war that “totalitarianism is the logical consequence of the Modern/Enlightenment project that gave scientific and technological rationalization religious status” (389). He incorporated his observation into the novel, making it one of the most powerful, fictional pieces to portray totalitarianism as “nothing other than modernity pushed to the limit” (389).
Orwell’s engagement with critical ideas of the Enlightenment project and of modernity are evident in The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism. A more dense and abstract section of Nineteen Eighty-Four, Goldstein’s treatise is written in parodic key and is often skipped or skimmed by the average reader. Not only does Goldstein’s book allows Orwell to elaborate on ideas introduced by Nineteen Eighty-Four’s protagonist, Winston Smith, but it also satirizes influential social, political, and philosophical texts outside the novel.
Originally detesting Goldstein, Winston grows to view him as “an intelligent man with insight and vision” after reading his book (Dalvai 391). This is critical because Winston observes his own beliefs reflected in Goldstein’s book, which gives him “the impression that he is not mad or completely alone” and “reinforces his belief in a genuine opposition to the Party” (391). Although Winston’s assurance is later weakened when O’Brien claims to have authored part of Goldstein’s book himself, “the very existence of the book”, real or not, implies that Winston is not the only rebel in Oceania (392).
Furthermore, Goldstein’s pamphlet is based upon and related to many influential philosophical works outside the novel. Not only does Orwell use the tract to explore how “totalitarianism became dystopia, or rather a dystopian parody of utopia itself” (Dalvai 392), but he also uses it to “[mimic and mock]…philosophical texts that discuss issues such as power and corruption” (392). Goldstein’s book contains satirical elements aimed at raising awareness about specific issues such as personal freedom, language and thought, technology and the social class system while simultaneously parodying the numerous economic, philosophical, and political treatises that it mentions.
A treatise is traditionally perceived as a systematic exposition that methodically discusses the facts and principles involved within an argument to reach new conclusions. Since the Enlightenment, a treatise “primarily served as a vehicle for rationalistic thought”, illustrating that mankind seeks rational, logical explanations for events caused and decisions made (Dalvai 393). This is the purpose of Goldstein’s treatise for Winston in Nineteen Eighty-Four: to explain the seemingly illogical and cruel events within Oceania. However, because the treatise is “both an accusation and a parody” of injustice and inequality, readers are forced to determine where the balance lies between the two (393).
Orwell intentionally wrote Nineteen Eighty-Four as a satire to focus on “the path of improvement” (Dalvai 401) and to raise readers’ awareness of the possible extremes of totalitarianism. He aimed to redefine socialism in his work, as he writes, “A Socialist is not obliged to believe that human society can actually be made perfect, but almost any Socialist does believe that it could be a great deal better than it is at present, and that most of the evil that men do results from the warping effects of injustice and inequality. The basis of Socialism is humanism” (402). Reading Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four gives us a “sense of relief” (401); we have not yet reached the catastrophe of a totalitarian society, and we can still take action to right the wrongs before it is too late.
References:
Dalvai, Marion. “Utopianism Parodied in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four: An Intertextual Reading of the ‘Goldstein Treatise’.” Orbis Litterarum 65.5 (2010): 388-407. Academic Search Complete. Web. 11 Apr. 2014.
In “Utopianism Parodied in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four: An Intertextual Reading of the ‘Goldstein Treatise’”, Marion Dalvai highlights the importance of the content in The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism, a fictional book authored by Emmanuel Goldstein within George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four. Additionally, she compares the structure of Goldstein’s book to other influential European philosophical works and stresses how Orwell presents the treatise as “the ultimate example of [his] distinctive fusion of realism and satire” (Dalvai 388).
Before modernity in the early nineteenth century, utopias, written “visions of good…social systems”, were hopeful dreams of one day achieving a better life for mankind in a perfect society (Dalvai 388). However, with the advent of modernity and the Enlightenment project, a reason to execute utopianism evolved: rationalization, the replacement of societal traditions, values, and emotions with rational ones. Rationalization stimulated socialist thought but provoked an anti-socialist reaction and the emergence of dystopian literature in the mid-1840s. A turning point in dystopian literature, Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four was published after the violence of World War II while earlier versions of dystopian literature only anticipated totalitarianism as the “ultimate and horribly consistent realization of all…premises of the modern project” (389). While writing Nineteen Eighty-Four, Orwell observed from the war that “totalitarianism is the logical consequence of the Modern/Enlightenment project that gave scientific and technological rationalization religious status” (389). He incorporated his observation into the novel, making it one of the most powerful, fictional pieces to portray totalitarianism as “nothing other than modernity pushed to the limit” (389).
Orwell’s engagement with critical ideas of the Enlightenment project and of modernity are evident in The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism. A more dense and abstract section of Nineteen Eighty-Four, Goldstein’s treatise is written in parodic key and is often skipped or skimmed by the average reader. Not only does Goldstein’s book allows Orwell to elaborate on ideas introduced by Nineteen Eighty-Four’s protagonist, Winston Smith, but it also satirizes influential social, political, and philosophical texts outside the novel.
Originally detesting Goldstein, Winston grows to view him as “an intelligent man with insight and vision” after reading his book (Dalvai 391). This is critical because Winston observes his own beliefs reflected in Goldstein’s book, which gives him “the impression that he is not mad or completely alone” and “reinforces his belief in a genuine opposition to the Party” (391). Although Winston’s assurance is later weakened when O’Brien claims to have authored part of Goldstein’s book himself, “the very existence of the book”, real or not, implies that Winston is not the only rebel in Oceania (392).
Furthermore, Goldstein’s pamphlet is based upon and related to many influential philosophical works outside the novel. Not only does Orwell use the tract to explore how “totalitarianism became dystopia, or rather a dystopian parody of utopia itself” (Dalvai 392), but he also uses it to “[mimic and mock]…philosophical texts that discuss issues such as power and corruption” (392). Goldstein’s book contains satirical elements aimed at raising awareness about specific issues such as personal freedom, language and thought, technology and the social class system while simultaneously parodying the numerous economic, philosophical, and political treatises that it mentions.
A treatise is traditionally perceived as a systematic exposition that methodically discusses the facts and principles involved within an argument to reach new conclusions. Since the Enlightenment, a treatise “primarily served as a vehicle for rationalistic thought”, illustrating that mankind seeks rational, logical explanations for events caused and decisions made (Dalvai 393). This is the purpose of Goldstein’s treatise for Winston in Nineteen Eighty-Four: to explain the seemingly illogical and cruel events within Oceania. However, because the treatise is “both an accusation and a parody” of injustice and inequality, readers are forced to determine where the balance lies between the two (393).
Orwell intentionally wrote Nineteen Eighty-Four as a satire to focus on “the path of improvement” (Dalvai 401) and to raise readers’ awareness of the possible extremes of totalitarianism. He aimed to redefine socialism in his work, as he writes, “A Socialist is not obliged to believe that human society can actually be made perfect, but almost any Socialist does believe that it could be a great deal better than it is at present, and that most of the evil that men do results from the warping effects of injustice and inequality. The basis of Socialism is humanism” (402). Reading Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four gives us a “sense of relief” (401); we have not yet reached the catastrophe of a totalitarian society, and we can still take action to right the wrongs before it is too late.
References:
Dalvai, Marion. “Utopianism Parodied in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four: An Intertextual Reading of the ‘Goldstein Treatise’.” Orbis Litterarum 65.5 (2010): 388-407. Academic Search Complete. Web. 11 Apr. 2014.